有些官员正在做“安静的抵抗”，他们写了这封匿名信！

这几天，美国炸锅了，一点也不平静。

特朗普的律师认罪了，承认了自己在处理特朗普绯闻上的罪过。

特朗普竞选团队的主管认罪了，牵连出特朗普。

曾报道水门事件的知名记者Bob Woodward的新书描写了白宫的内讧不断，特朗普的反复无常。

然后，一个在白宫工作的高层管理人员，写了一封信投稿给了纽约时报，匿名发表，捅出诸多白宫的尴尬和内幕，美国这下子真的炸锅了。

我们来看一下匿名信的原文和翻译文。

中文翻译文

纽约时报今天采取了一个罕见的做法，刊登了一篇匿名观点文章。我们这样做是应作者（一名特朗普政府的高级官员）的要求，我们知道这位人士的身份，一旦被曝光，将会危及他/她的工作。我们认为，匿名刊登这篇文章是能向读者传达重要观点的唯一方式。我们也邀请你在这里提出关于这篇文章，或是对于我们审核过程的疑问。

原文如下：

特朗普政府面临着对其总统任期的考验，而这与现代美国领导人面临过的都不同。

不仅是特别检察官的问题很突出。也不仅仅是因为这个国家由于特朗普的领导而陷入痛苦分裂。甚至也不是他的党派可能会在众议院输给执意让他下台的反对党。

他的政府中许多高级官员都从内部不懈努力，以挫败他的部分议程和最糟糕的倾向，而他还没有完全理解自己所处的这个困境。

我非常清楚这一点。因为我就是其中的一位。

明确地说，我们的抵抗并非那种盛行的来自左派的“抵抗”。我们希望这届政府能够成功，并且认为它的许多政策已经让美国变得更加安全、更加繁荣。

但我们认为，我们的第一责任是对这个国家负责，而总统却持续以一种危及美国健康的方式行事。

这就是为什么许多特朗普任命的人士都誓言要竭尽所能，在阻止他受到更多误导冲动的同时，维护我们的民主体制，直至特朗普下台。

问题的根源在于总统没有道德观念。任何与他共事的人都知道，他不会被指导他决策的清晰可辨的基本原则所束缚。

尽管他是作为共和党人当选的，但这位总统并没有表现出多少对保守派长期奉行的理念的认同：自由思想、自由市场和自由人民。最好的情况是，他在按照脚本规划好的环境里提到了这些理念。最糟糕的情况是，他直接攻击这些理念。

除了大肆宣传媒体是“人民的敌人”这个概念外，特朗普总统的冲动基本上都是关于反贸易和反民主的。

不要误会我。有些亮点，是媒体对这个政府几近无穷无尽的负面报道所没能捕捉到的：切实有效的放宽监管；历史性的税改；一个更加强大的军队等等。

尽管总统的领导风格是冲动鲁莽、对抗、小气和低效的，但政府还是取得了上述成功，虽然它们并非因为特朗普的领导风格而得来的。

从白宫到各个行政部门、机构，高级官员都会私下承认他们日常对这位统帅言论和行为的质疑。许多人都在努力将自己的行动和总统的心血来潮隔离开来。

与他的碰面常常会离题偏轨，他会不断咆哮，他的冲动往往会导致考虑不周、信息不全，有时还颇为鲁莽的决定，而这些决定必须被撤回。

“很难说他是否会在下一分钟改变主意，”一名高级官员最近向我抱怨，总统在椭圆形办公室的一次会议上，对一周前作出的重大政策决定改变了态度，这令他火冒三丈。

如果不是白宫内外的无名英雄，那么这种不稳定的行为会更令人担忧。他的一些助手被媒体描绘成恶棍。但在私下里，他们已经竭尽全力，让错误的决策不传出白宫西翼（美国总统的日常办公地点——编注），尽管他们显然并不总是能成功做到。

在这个混乱的时代，这可能只是冷冰冰的安慰，但美国人应该知道，房间里还是有成年人的。我们对正在发生的事情有清醒的认识。我们在努力做正确的事，即使特朗普不会这样做。

其结果是总统的统治在双轨上运行。

以外交政策为例：无论是在公开场合还是私下，特朗普总统都表现出对专断者和独裁者的偏爱，比如俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京和朝鲜领导人金正恩，并且对于那些将我们与志同道合的盟国联系起来的纽带并没有表现出多少真正的欣赏。

然而，敏锐的观察家们已经注意到，政府的其他部门正在另一条轨道上运作，在这条轨道上，他们呼吁对俄罗斯这样的国家予以干涉和相应的惩罚，并将世界各地的盟友视为同伴，而不是视为竞争对手加以嘲笑。

例如，在俄罗斯一事上，总统不愿意驱逐普京的众多间谍，作为一名前俄罗斯间谍在英国遭到毒杀的惩罚。几个星期以来，他一直抱怨高级幕僚让他陷入与俄罗斯的进一步对抗，他对美国继续因俄罗斯的恶行采取制裁表示沮丧。但他的国家安全团队更了解情况——必须采取这样的行动，使莫斯科承担责任。

这不是所谓的深层政府在工作。这是稳定政府在工作。

鉴于许多人目睹了这样的不稳定状态，内阁中早有人悄悄谈起援引第25条修正案，这将启动一个罢免总统的复杂程序。但没有人想要引发一场宪法危机。因此，我们将尽我们所能，让政府走在正确的方向上，直到——不管以哪种方式——一切结束。

更让人担心的不是特朗普在总统任期内所做的事，而是我们作为一个国家，允许他对我们所做的事。我们与他一起沦丧，让我们的话语被剥去文明的外衣。

参议员约翰·麦凯恩(John McCain)在他的告别信中说得最好。所有美国人都应该听听他的话，摆脱部族主义陷阱，以我们共同的价值观和对这个伟大国家的热爱，实现团结的崇高目标。

我们失去了麦凯恩参议员。但他的榜样永存——他是恢复公共生活尊严和国家对话的代名词。特朗普先生可能会害怕这样可敬的人，但我们应该尊敬他们。

在政府中那些选择将国家放在首位的人们身上存在着一种安静的抵抗。但真正的影响是超越政治、超越党派分歧的普通公民做出的，他们决心抛弃所有标签，只留下唯一的一个：美国人。

英文原信件

I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration

I work for the president but like-minded colleagues and I have vowed to thwart parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations.

The Times is taking the rare step of publishing an anonymous Op-Ed essay. We have done so at the request of the author, a senior official in the Trump administration whose identity is known to us and whose job would be jeopardized by its disclosure. We believe publishing this essay anonymously is the only way to deliver an important perspective to our readers. We invite you to submit a question about the essay or our vetting process here.

President Trump is facing a test to his presidency unlike any faced by a modern American leader.

It’s not just that the special counsel looms large. Or that the country is bitterly divided over Mr. Trump’s leadership. Or even that his party might well lose the House to an opposition hellbent on his downfall.

The dilemma — which he does not fully grasp — is that many of the senior officials in his own administration are working diligently from within to frustrate parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations.

I would know. I am one of them.

To be clear, ours is not the popular “resistance” of the left. We want the administration to succeed and think that many of its policies have already made America safer and more prosperous.

But we believe our first duty is to this country, and the president continues to act in a manner that is detrimental to the health of our republic.

That is why many Trump appointees have vowed to do what we can to preserve our democratic institutions while thwarting Mr. Trump’s more misguided impulses until he is out of office.

The root of the problem is the president’s amorality. Anyone who works with him knows he is not moored to any discernible first principles that guide his decision making.

Although he was elected as a Republican, the president shows little affinity for ideals long espoused by conservatives: free minds, free markets and free people. At best, he has invoked these ideals in scripted settings. At worst, he has attacked them outright.

In addition to his mass-marketing of the notion that the press is the “enemy of the people,” President Trump’s impulses are generally anti-trade and anti-democratic.

Don’t get me wrong. There are bright spots that the near-ceaseless negative coverage of the administration fails to capture: effective deregulation, historic tax reform, a more robust military and more.

But these successes have come despite — not because of — the president’s leadership style, which is impetuous, adversarial, petty and ineffective.

From the White House to executive branch departments and agencies, senior officials will privately admit their daily disbelief at the commander in chief’s comments and actions. Most are working to insulate their operations from his whims.

Meetings with him veer off topic and off the rails, he engages in repetitive rants, and his impulsiveness results in half-baked, ill-informed and occasionally reckless decisions that have to be walked back.

“There is literally no telling whether he might change his mind from one minute to the next,” a top official complained to me recently, exasperated by an Oval Office meeting at which the president flip-flopped on a major policy decision he’d made only a week earlier.

The erratic behavior would be more concerning if it weren’t for unsung heroes in and around the White House. Some of his aides have been cast as villains by the media. But in private, they have gone to great lengths to keep bad decisions contained to the West Wing, though they are clearly not always successful.

It may be cold comfort in this chaotic era, but Americans should know that there are adults in the room. We fully recognize what is happening. And we are trying to do what’s right even when Donald Trump won’t.

The result is a two-track presidency.

Take foreign policy: In public and in private, President Trump shows a preference for autocrats and dictators, such as President Vladimir Putin of Russia and North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, and displays little genuine appreciation for the ties that bind us to allied, like-minded nations.

Astute observers have noted, though, that the rest of the administration is operating on another track, one where countries like Russia are called out for meddling and punished accordingly, and where allies around the world are engaged as peers rather than ridiculed as rivals.

On Russia, for instance, the president was reluctant to expel so many of Mr. Putin’s spies as punishment for the poisoning of a former Russian spy in Britain. He complained for weeks about senior staff members letting him get boxed into further confrontation with Russia, and he expressed frustration that the United States continued to impose sanctions on the country for its malign behavior. But his national security team knew better — such actions had to be taken, to hold Moscow accountable.

This isn’t the work of the so-called deep state. It’s the work of the steady state.

Given the instability many witnessed, there were early whispers within the cabinet of invoking the 25th Amendment, which would start a complex process for removing the president. But no one wanted to precipitate a constitutional crisis. So we will do what we can to steer the administration in the right direction until — one way or another — it’s over.

The bigger concern is not what Mr. Trump has done to the presidency but rather what we as a nation have allowed him to do to us. We have sunk low with him and allowed our discourse to be stripped of civility.

Senator John McCain put it best in his farewell letter. All Americans should heed his words and break free of the tribalism trap, with the high aim of uniting through our shared values and love of this great nation.

We may no longer have Senator McCain. But we will always have his example — a lodestar for restoring honor to public life and our national dialogue. Mr. Trump may fear such honorable men, but we should revere them.

There is a quiet resistance within the administration of people choosing to put country first. But the real difference will be made by everyday citizens rising above politics, reaching across the aisle and resolving to shed the labels in favor of a single one: Americans.

The writer is a senior official in the Trump administration.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter (@NYTopinion).

谁写的？

事实证明，白宫中有群官员正做出“安静的抵抗”，以阻止总统糟糕的议程。

特朗普推特和在白宫发泄了他的不满。他指责说《纽约时报》正在堕落。

这篇专栏文章的发表在华盛顿引发了一场关于特朗普总统的激烈辩论，并引发了一场高风险的猜谜游戏，即神秘的异见者可能是谁。

特朗普政府的高级官员，从副总统彭斯到数位关键的内阁成员，都赶紧否认他们在《纽约时报》上匿名发表了这个文章。

特朗普星期四晚上在蒙大拿州的集会上发表讲话时甚至说，纽约时报的记者应该找出政府内部有哪些人在讲他的坏话。特朗普说: “那些公然挑衅选民的未经选举的影子政客在推行他们自己的秘密议程，这真的是对民主本身的威胁，看到这些，我更坚定了，这件事召来了相反的结果。有些人并不了解我们，他们并不喜欢我，但他们为我们而战，这令人难以置信。这实际上是一件好事。我们获得了很多支持。”

各界纷纷揣测这名“神秘人”的身份，文章中的一个生僻单词lodestar引发了很多联想。

纽约时报匿名文章发布的几个小时后，lodestar就成为推特上的热门话题。人们开始热切地寻找，究竟哪个公众人物过去曾使用过这个词。最近一次公开使用lodestar一词的美国政治人物是前国务卿基辛格，他日前在共和党资深参议员麦凯恩的葬礼上致悼词称：“荣誉是约翰的‘北极星’。”(“Honor was John's lodestar.”)这让人不由得怀疑，时报匿名观点文章的作者是否是葬礼当天在场的官员。

“这篇专栏文章令人担忧的地方在于，白宫有人非常担心我们的国家每天都在遭受破坏，我认为我们应该严肃对待这一点。”

很多人这么说。

一切，都将在11月的美国中期选举中呈现。

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